Pod Insights Gunfighters Ep. 03: Raven’s and Coyote’s America | The American West About this episode For 10,000 years, from the end of the Pleistocene to the coming of Old Worlders to America, a diverse population of Native people lived in North America while somehow managing to preserve almost all its biological riches. In contrast to the period when the prior Paleolithic hunters dominated America and the West, this 10,000 year phase of American history featured only one human-caused extinction that science has so far discovered. Was this some strange accident of continental history? Or were their concrete reasons for why, and how, Native America achieved this kind of environmental success?
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1:32 Speaker 02 Native America existed for 10,000 years in a West marked by many prior extinctions, but somehow found it possible to preserve almost all the biological richness of the continent until the arrival of Europeans. I'm Dan Flores, and this is The American West. Brought to you by Velvet Buck. Still in barrel, Velvet Buck arrives this summer just in time for the season that calls us home. A portion of every bottle supports backcountry hunters and anglers to protect public lands, waters, and wildlife. Enjoy responsibly.
2:21 Speaker 02 Ravens and coyotes, America.
2:30 Speaker 02 I am walking the edge of a sharp-rimmed cliff in outback Montana before sunrise, moving through a twilight of grays and blacks and outlines. Large, graceful birds, sandhill cranes, are fluting their strange, pleistocene cries in the pastel sky overhead.
2:52 Speaker 02 But I’m focused on the lines of the topography in front of me, especially the way the mesa I’m walking narrows up ahead. Seeing that, my walking pace quickens.
3:09 Speaker 02 This is a historic piece of ground. Starting some 2,000 years in the past and continuing down to 200 years ago, it was the scene of frenzied, albeit sporadic, human activity. Like most historic places, there is something maddeningly mute about the spot now. It’s why we often stand and gawk numbly in such places, unable to connect to the events we’re supposed to marvel over. But this morning, I’m not going to be stymied by lack of imagination. I’m here with a purpose, my intent to experience at least some part of what a buffalo jump drive was all about. It was fully dark when I arrived here an hour earlier, parked my car at an interpretive
3:54 Speaker 02 sign, finished a cup of coffee, then slowly worked through the boulders to the top of this mesa. While I walked eastward to the luxuriant grassland of a high meadow, the sky had gradually lightened. Now, turning back towards the car and the cliff I’d climbed in the dark, I’m becoming caught up in what I tell myself are echoes of the place. Pointing myself down the narrowing mesa towards the far rim rock, I start to jog.
4:26 Speaker 02 I'm running a track that men and other animals have run many times in the past. But in contrast to my lope beneath the fluting cranes, then there would have been the pounding thunder of sharp, black hooves cutting through the grass and the alarmed grunting of animals, their huge forms wrapped in billowing clouds of dust that must have made for a ghostly stampede.
4:52 Speaker 02 Now I hear only my footfalls and my breathing, but in the real thing, the air would have been rent by the exultant shouts of the drivers, urging on runners wearing the skins of wolves and red-coated bison calves, leading the herd to its destiny. Their costuming a ruse to fool buffalo cows into thinking that wolves were selecting out defenseless young ones. Listening to the rhythm of my feet, I wonder if the herd's noise wouldn't have been so overwhelming, it would have morphed into silence, adding a surreal quality to the ghostliness. The whole affair would have commenced days earlier with a religious ceremony
5:36 Speaker 02 and careful maneuvering of a bison herd in that high meadow into position for a stampede. Then if all went well, and it went well enough times in the past to accumulate a bone layer five feet deep at the base of the cliff I'd climbed, the runners who led the herd to the cliff edge would escape, if they could, by darting aside at the last moment, dodging the relentless brown river of animals hurdling into space in a dream of wild, frozen action.
6:08 Speaker 02 Where I've begun my run is a half-mile back from the cliff, and soon enough, I cross to descending benches and realize I am on the point of no return in this bison jump. Get the animals here and have them running, and the downhill pitch steepens so quickly, there would be no way for the herd leaders either to stop or turn aside. I'm running harder now, pulled faster by the angling slope, and I register that out in the valley dawn color has arrived. Chrome-yellow light cast by the rising sun is lighting the white cliffs on the far side of the river, a scene of great beauty.
6:49 Speaker 02 One last soothing sight of earth, perhaps, as the lip of the plunge is scarcely a hundred twenty feet away now. Beyond that is windmilling motion and the silence of forty feet of free space, then the jarring stop amongst the boulders. I slide to a stop a few feet from the cliff edge and stand panning for a few minutes, looking down on the slope below. By modern standards, the scene would not have been pretty. In 1797, the British trader Peter Fiddler described such a concluding set piece. "The young men killed the crippled animals with arrows, bayonets tied upon the end of a pole and etc.
7:32 Speaker 02 The hatchet is frequently used, and it is shocking to see the poor animals thus pin up without any way of escaping." However pod-like their behavior as classic herd animals, all these bison were individuals, of course, and that is the way they died. Slanting sunlight, throwing morning shadows hundreds of feet long, across the Madison Valley of Montana, lights my face. Over the mountains, I see a jet glinting silver, a mobile diamond slicing through the blue, its motion fetching me back to my climb down to the car, back to my commitments. But before I start, I stand for a moment, thinking of the bison that died among the
8:16 Speaker 02 boulders below. Humans drove buffalo off cliffs in America for 12,000 years, and despite knowing something about it, I find it a shock to be in this space where it happened, this close to how it worked. I've visited Head Smashed In Jump in Alberta and absorbed archaeologist friends' accounts of Bonfire Shelter Jump in the gray limestone canyons of the Pecos River in Texas. Hearing at the visitor's center in Canada that Indians carefully utilized every part of the animals, yet knowing that in Texas, the cliff at Bonfire Shelter is scorched hundreds
8:56 Speaker 02 of feet high from the spontaneous combustion of an enormous mangled heap of unutilized bison, native hunters drove off the rim above. Those two sites beg a big question: putting aside whatever fantasies of the past we have, what kind of relationship did humans and animals fashion over the hundred centuries of Native America that followed the Pleistocene? And if it was different, more ecologically benign or balanced than what came before and what came after, then why?
9:40 Speaker 02 Clovisia the Beautiful ended with the demise of elephants and the majority of America's big animals. People were here, but most of the original animals were not. The haunting stories of losses must have lasted, because having so many charismatic creatures disappear seems to have shifted human behavior. The 10,000 years that followed wasn't entirely extinction-free, but thousands of years later, arriving old-worlders described the wild new world that greeted them as "a paradise of animals." The image of America as an animal Eden out of prehistory has shaped the country's sense of itself ever since. But was that actually the reality of Native America?
10:27 Speaker 02 When 19th-century ethnographers began to assemble a linguistic map of Native America, the conclusion anyone would draw is that over 10,000 years, there had been a tremendous movement of peoples around the continent. Athabaskan speakers lived in interior Alaska and also way down in the southwest. There were pools of Algonquin speakers in New England, in the Ohio Valley, and in the foothills of the Rocky Mountains. All this was in contrast to Australia, for example, where Aboriginal populations have stayed in place for 50,000 years. The American story implies significant experimentation with different locales and ways of life.
11:12 Speaker 02 Some of those human migrations may have been related to the reshuffling of American nature that took place in the echoes of the Pleistocene extinctions. The biology of the continent was reinventing itself. The vegetation was changing. Without ground sloths to disperse their seeds, the range of Joshua trees now began to contract, and without mammoths to curb them, honey mosquito began to spread. There were so many missing animals that a remarkable number of ecological niches either were vacant or newly filling. The ecological rebirth was most dramatic in the western half of America.
11:53 Speaker 02 The loss of mammoths, giant bison, horses, camels, ground sloths, dire wolves, short-faced bears, scavenging birds, and a range of cat predators opened niches at every level. In cases like wolves and bears, there were ready replacement species. With dire wolves now extinct, gray wolves and ancient American wolves emerged as the primary canid predators. But with 70% of America's grazers gone, niches for replacements were wide open. With almost no competition, a new, smaller bison supplanted horses, mammoths, and its huge bison ancestors.
12:37 Speaker 02 Within a few centuries, this new dwarf bison grew into a biomass of animals that had almost no analog anywhere else on Earth. Biologists now believe modern bison are a classic example of anthropogenic selection, their size and rapid reproduction shaped by human predation. Seals, sea otters, and sea lions accepted, along with the one-pronghorn species that survived to browse the forbs that camels once ate, most of the large animals west of the Mississippi were Asian immigrants. In some parts of the planet, the warmer climate that marked the end of the Ice Ages
13:20 Speaker 02 allowed hard-pressed humans to try out some new things. But since humans had extensively settled America only 13,000 years ago, rather than 45,000, North America didn't yet call for an agricultural revolution the way the Old World did. America's human cultures segued to a stage where animals were still of primary importance, but plants were taking on a more significant role. "Archaic" is the term anthropologists and archaeologists have long used for humans living this way, by which they mean people existing as hunter-gatherers.
14:01 Speaker 02 So while the Old World experimented with agriculture and domestication, in North America, the hunting-gathering lifestyle continued over vast spans of time and diverse geographies all the way into modern history. Clearly, we ancient hunters of animals surrendered our oldest life way with reluctance.
14:28 Speaker 02 America wasn't just in the throes of biological recreation. Around 8,500 years ago, there was another potent change. The warming cycle that ended the last Ice Age didn't relent, and America's climate swung into a hot, dry phase that stayed in place for a mind-blowing 3,700 years.
14:49 Speaker 02 This was the depths of the last interglacial, the long slide out of the frozen Wisconsin Ice Age. Now the Earth's rotational wobble had the northern hemisphere slightly closer to the Sun, and for almost forty centuries, some parts of America cooked. The altothermal, as it's called, came close to turning large parts of the continent into a true desert and a vacant one. Many species of animals left for wetter settings, so did many human groups, like other animals shifting eastward and westward out of the interior west. The country where Clovis and Folsom people thrived nearly emptied of humans during the altothermal.
15:32 Speaker 02 But once the altothermal subsided, generations of hunter-gatherer peoples returned to occupy the same landscapes for centuries. That kind of close familiarity gave them bodies of handed-down ecological insights about how to live in particular places. The feedbacks they read from place-based living enabled humans to come up with a striking epiphany, one allowing them to live well without using up their world. The breakthrough, a key to success in Native America, sprang from the realization that there was no longer a wild new world, empty of other people out there.
16:15 Speaker 02 Clovis-like expansion across a virtually uninhabited continent was over. Humans now had to learn to deliberately, carefully manage their own numbers to avoid overshooting local resources when times turn bad. In a variable world, good times inevitably give way to bad times. That was an ancient lesson. Basing your numbers on the good times could set you up for disaster. How did these ancient Americans manage to pull off controlling their populations so they could live well on local resources? Birth spacing was one common strategy. Breastfeeding suppresses ovulation during a mother's fertile years, preventing a rapid
16:59 Speaker 02 succession of pregnancies. Child mortality was high among ancient humans anyway, but most hunter-gatherers practiced forms of abortion to control their populations, and the evidence is that as an ecological strategy, it worked well. But for the women who carried babies to term, or close to it, infanticide in particular was a psychological burden. Ultimately, many hunter-gatherers sought to escape it. But the larger equation was relentless. The hunting-gathering economy was still the predator's economy, and predators of whatever kind were always few compared to prey.
17:40 Speaker 02 Hunting and gathering required space to roam, habitats for birds and mammals. Living the good life meant you could not overburden the world with people. There was one possibility to increase human numbers, but it meant giving up much of humanity's ancient life and investing in an entirely new economy. Around 5,000 years ago, an agricultural revolution similar to the one that swept the Old World began to spread into North America from the South. The selection and domestication of wild plants emerged where human populations were densest and animal populations lowest, namely crowded Mesoamerica.
18:24 Speaker 02 Unknown traders and travelers first carried ideas about domestication northward about 4,000 years ago, and later the actual seed stocks of Mexican agriculture.
18:36 Speaker 02 So over the ensuing millennia, crop fields and farming towns began to dot Native America from the South to Southern New England, then along the river valleys of the Midwest, and even in scattered locations in the desert southwest. Once the agricultural transformation took root, populations began to grow and sometimes centralized governing bodies, usually religious ones, organized towns into regional empires we know as Cahokia, Spiro Mounds, Ho Ho Kam, and the Chacoan Empire, which I talked about in our first podcast.
19:16 Speaker 02 All of these were very late experiments in the last thousand years of Native America. But in vast regions of America, agriculture never replaced hunting and gathering. So wedded were Native people to the hunt that even as agricultural towns emerged, many of the farmers continued to hunt, at least seasonally. Some returned exclusively to hunting when circumstances allowed. What sort of human existence could be better?
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20:39 Speaker 01 Make sure you sign up for their email and text message notifications so you get the alert the exact second the knife drops. Montana Knife Company, working knives for working people. Head to MKC.com today. That's MKC.com. I can't wait to check out one of these folders. You ever get that feeling you're stuck inside staring at screens and a primal urge kicks in, you crave wide open spaces, fresh air, the chance to connect with the land? Well, maybe it's time to find your own piece of the wild. But searching for property can be a maze. That's where land.com comes in. They've got millions of listings across the country, from mountain ranches to hidden fishing holes.
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21:47 Speaker 02 All the evidence indicates that America's native people lived immersed in art, stories, and observations designed around the grand theme of understanding themselves in a sometimes impenetrable world. A fundamental way to probe those kinds of understandings is through stories of gods. The oldest named characters in North American history, in fact, are the deities who created the continent and its life and set in motion human life with all of its victories and tragedies. Stories of these deities make up the continent's oldest literature. With few exceptions, ancient American gods were animals, although the stories describe
22:31 Speaker 02 some as anthropomorphic animals. In Western America, for example, the deity who acquired the universal epithet coyote stood upright on its legs and brandished human hands, but had the fur, sharp nose, erect ears, and the tail of a coyote. The deities who made it into modern English as Coyote, Raven, Spiderman, Skeletonman, Master Rabbit, all shared a basic human nature with their followers. Our vices, our lusts and our jealousies, our selfishness and our narcissism resided in America's ancient gods, there to witness and there for good reason.
23:14 Speaker 02 More about this in a later episode, but the deities not only explained to listeners why North America was the kind of world it was, they taught lessons, often uncomfortable or funny ones, about human behavior and motives. They were gods, creators, also thieves, liars and lechers, classic professors of human nature. Coyote, who emerges from the stories as a kind of whirlwind biophysical force with an enormous appetite for pleasure and sensuality, was one of the most widely known gods out of ancient America, an avatar for humans in the world, and we'll devote much of an episode to him and his stories.
23:58 Speaker 02 Like Raven, he is the on-the-scene conductor of a master plan set in motion by an aloof first cause. This more knowable, approachable god was common in Native America. And if there are mysteries in the world you've wondered about, let Raven's adventures explain them. Raven was yet another merged animal-human deity who told the Clinchets, "I was born before this world was known." Uttering his monosyllabic "Ga," Raven proceeds to shape each animal in a slightly different
24:36 Speaker 02 way and to name them all: whale, seal, eagle, bear, caribou, beaver, salmon, sea otter, land otter, wolf. The birds he paints in bright colors because he wants them to be pretty. There is one worrisome thread that runs through Raven and Coyote stories, though. "In early times," the Inuit explained, "Raven becomes concerned that humans are becoming too numerous. Human villages are growing too large, and subsequently their residents are killing too many animals." The Inuit first man agrees and tells Raven, "If the people do not stop killing so many animals, they will kill everything you've made."
25:21 Speaker 02 In Coyote's case, as both the Yanas of California and the Navajos of the Southwest told the story, humans have to die, because if they do not, human overpopulation will result in the destruction of all the animals and even of Earth itself.
25:47 Speaker 02 In the early 1930s, a historian of religion named Joseph Epps Brown became fascinated by native religions. He interviewed traditional Lakota elders, including the legendary black elk, and ultimately set down the ideas that made up part of hunter-gatherer knowledge about America's animals. Brown's informants perceived the essential nature of animal species as much through dreams and visions as through native science. Bears ruled the underground, as bison did the surface, and eagles the air. Certain animals illustrated particular traits useful to the human animal. Members of a wolf clan sought to invoke the wolf's cooperative skills in hunting and
26:31 Speaker 02 killing. If a young man on a vision quest heard a bull elk bugle for cows in the crisp air of autumn, he might then regard the elk as a totem whose potent sexuality he could internalize. These elders also recalled a connection involving energy flow between creatures. These were connections neither 18th-century Linnaean science or 21st-century genetic science would ever think to link together. What the Lakotas called "umi" or "yum" was whirlwind power, the unrestrained residue of the energy of the four winds. They remembered whirlwind power as much sought,
27:15 Speaker 02 in part because possessing it made one difficult to attack and battle. But only a small number of special animals, spiders, also moths, dragonflies, and bears, elk, and bison possessed the whirlwind secret. As for bison, seasonal winds coming from the north or south seemed part of their mystery, bringing them or taking them away. A south wind might produce herds that blanketed the landscape from horizon to horizon. But they could entirely disappear, which led to a widespread belief in Native America that bison had their origins underground, and sometimes they returned there. As had been true of our first hunting ancestors in Africa,
28:00 Speaker 02 true of the Neanderthals, true of the Clovis people, native ceremonial lives centered on an ancient human desire to control nature. But they did so primarily as part of a religious philosophy, not a scientific one. Managing animals based on population modeling, carrying capacity of landscapes, or selective sustainable harvest, as modern ecologists and biologists do, would have been incomprehensible because native cause-effect explanations for why things happened relied on completely different premises.
28:40 Speaker 02 The religions through which native people understood animals were, however, superb at apprehending the kinship between animals and humans. Crucial in Native America was knowledge about how to influence animals in a realm usually defined as supernatural, an essential part of religion. A friend from my years in Montana, Professor Rosalind Lapierre, has done the best insider account so far of the invisible reality that was central to this 10,000-year-old world. Rosalind's own Blackfeet people possessed what she calls "a powerful worldview" that suggests the Blackfeet desire to manipulate animals and nature
29:24 Speaker 02 is a deep-seated human impulse, available through the assistance of supernatural allies. The degree of power one possessed to call on those allies determined how much you could make happen. Human beings could become vectors of power from these supernatural realms if a sacred being sought them out, or through a vision quest, or other effort to find a sympathetic animal ally, or even by purchasing power from someone who already had it. Another intriguing look at native religious traditions with respect to animals comes from the work of an anthropologist who lived with the Athabaskan-speaking Koyukon peoples of Alaska. The Koyukons preserve an ideology
30:09 Speaker 02 with powerful echoes of how life in the 10 millennia span of Native America must have worked. Keen observational naturalists with a highly refined knowledge of animal behavior, the Koyukons traced their link with animals back to what they called "distant time", when animals were human and spoke human languages. The deity animal was ever-watching raven. Raven rarely missed anything and was always alert to violations of taboos about how to treat animals and respect them. Many raven stories were about the bad luck that befell people who transgressed against the animal world. Animals were critical to a major life force:
30:53 Speaker 02 luck, that could make or break a person's life. Luck was an award from ever-watching raven as a result of correct behavior towards animals. And the most correct behavior of all was treating them as kin.
31:14 Speaker 02 10,000 years ago, the entire human population of planet Earth numbered only about 4 million. Across all the Americas, humans then likely made up only a quarter of that number. North America probably had barely 500,000 people then, fewer than a single large city in our time. Agriculture changed that. But because big parts of the continent were unsuited to farming, and because farming was a new development, America wasn't entirely remade by agriculture the way Europe or Asia were.
31:51 Speaker 02 By 500 years ago, the best guess is that America north of Mexico had grown its population to just under 4 million people. 4 million people spread across a landscape that, in the 21st century, supports 400 million, seems explanation enough for why humans and wild animals coexisted well for so long in Native America. That might be an argument that for hunting and gathering and subsistence farming economies, 4 million people was just about the carrying capacity of the American landscape.
32:29 Speaker 02 The effects accumulated, though. Across the final 1,500 years of Native America before old worlders arrived, a cumulative total of 150 to 200 million people lived out their lives north of Mexico. America was no howling wilderness. It was a long inhabited, lived-in world. Humans are biological, after all, and no species gets a free ride in nature. In some American archaeological sites, animal remains show a significant decline over time. The massive Emeryville mound site on the shore of San Francisco Bay portrays a steady decline in the bones of sturgeon, salmon, deer, elk, and pronghorns,
33:14 Speaker 02 demonstrating a drawdown of local wildlife as human populations grew in native California. Elk remains in many continental archaeological sites are so scarce that some scientists suggest that elk numbers must have been suppressed, and the almost certain cause was human hunting. There was also at least one human-caused wildlife extinction in Native America. As humans spread around the world, flightless birds were always particularly vulnerable, and the Pacific coasts of California and Oregon, along with the Channel Islands, held one: a flightless sea duck in the genus Chyndites.
33:56 Speaker 02 In the past decade, researchers dating the remains of these goose-sized ducks from six coastal sites concluded that humans began killing them 10,000 years ago, just as the Pleistocene gave way to Native America. Wiping them out was hardly the three-century Blixcreeds that took out mammoths, or later, passenger pigeons or bison, but by 2,400 years ago, people had hunted Pacific flightless sea ducks to extinction.
34:26 Speaker 02 Judging from the stories people preserved of their cultural heroes, the most common environmental overreach, though, was what the Inuit Raven story feared: overhunting brought on by growing human numbers.
34:43 Speaker 02 Coyotes and ravens in America existed for 75 times longer than the United States has so far. So it shouldn't be a surprise that a history reaching beyond human memory would provoke a religious awe from its human inhabitants. Native America's cultural heroes taught that the key to the animal-human relationship was kinship. Animals were people. They had families and societies, opinions and cultural memories. Like people, they also possessed something essential to them: a breath or a spirit that survived death. Respect came from honoring that humans and animals were kin
35:27 Speaker 02 and acknowledging that we and they could move between one another's cultures because we sprang from the same source. This became the key when, because of some human hubris that violated the arrangement, the animals retaliated by withdrawing from humans' presence. Pleading with bison, elk, deer to return and rebalance the world thus became a focus of some of the grand ceremonies Native peoples developed in North America.
35:59 Speaker 02 When Old Worlders arrived in America 500 years ago, Central and South America held more than 50 million people. But in what is now the United States and Canada, hunting and gathering culture still prevailed across vast stretches, and here the human population had not yet reached 5 million. Even with human numbers seemingly so slight, 500 generations of humans had physically transformed North America. To the native peoples the continent was occupied, settled, its birds and reptiles and mammals all intimately known and considered kin. Even with fewer than 5 billion inhabitants, parts of America held large enough numbers of people
36:44 Speaker 02 that wild animals weren't always abundant. But save one, all the species that had survived the Pleistocene extinctions still existed. Beavers continued to engineer a watery landscape. Shorebirds and ducks filled the skies, and bears, wolves, and other predators still played their crucial roles in American ecologies. Even with thousands of years of human harvest, bison and passenger pigeons were still among the most numerous species on Earth. But the change that was coming was on a scale no one could possibly fathom. Since the Ice Age ebbed and northern seas flooded Beringia, America's animals and humans
37:27 Speaker 02 had lived in near-total isolation from the rest of Earth. No one on either side of the Atlantic had any inkling the other existed, or that such biological isolation sat ready to deliver one of the most profound tragedies in history. When the planet's human population finally rejoined after parting thousands of generations earlier, the America of Clovis and Folsom and Chaco, of bison and passenger pigeons, confronted a staggering transformation. Raven and coyote would never be able to turn things back to the way they had been.
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39:11 Speaker 01 sign up for their email and text message notifications. So you get the alert the exact second the knife drops. Montana Knife Company, working knives for working people. Head to MKC.com today. That's MKC.com. I can't wait to check out one of these folders. You ever get that feeling you're stuck inside staring at screens and a primal urge kicks in? You crave wide open spaces, fresh air, the chance to connect with the land? Well, maybe it's time to find your own piece of the wild. But searching for property can be a maze. That's where Land.com comes in. They've got millions of listings across the country, from mountain ranches to hidden fishing holes. Their search tools are like a seasoned guide
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40:19 Speaker 03 Dan, la última vez que hablamos sobre,
40:24 Speaker 03 ya sabes, en los años 70, había esta concepción muy popular de los pueblos nativos como seres inherentemente ambientalistas.
40:35 Speaker 03 Y creo que, en muchos sentidos, hemos pasado a eso. Y creo que desde un punto de vista histórico, reconocemos que no todas las acciones humanas en el paisaje antes de la relación europea eran sostenibles ambientalmente. Pero luego, en esta conferencia, describes una larga franja de tiempo que parece estar relativamente estable o sostenible. Y me pregunto, no necesariamente preguntando si era sostenible, sino más sobre cómo empiezas a desenredar las contradicciones allí.
41:16 Speaker 02 Bueno, tuve que buscar algunas explicaciones para lo que parecía ser una premissa bastante obvia, que es que cuando llegan las personas del antiguo mundo hace 500 años, encuentran un continente norteamericano que parece ser ecologicamente saludable, con una diversidad bastante amplia de animales, pájaros y peces. Y quiero decir, sabemos que, a cierta medida, esa descripción se basaba en una especie de liberación ecológica de animales, pájaros y otras especies
42:00 Speaker 02 que surgió como resultado de la supresión de la población indíaca a través de esta introducción inadvertida de la enfermedad antigua. Así que la población indíaca disminuye de casi 5 millones, que es lo que pensábamos que era en la época de la relación, a una cantidad de 900.000, en lo que ahora son Estados Unidos y Canadá, como resultado de esas epidemias de enfermedad. Así que muchas de las descripciones que recibimos de lo maravillosa que era la naturaleza de América del Norte están basadas en eso, en esta rápida liberación ecológica.
42:37 Speaker 02 But on the other hand, when you sort of try to survey the range of species that were present, we think were present, say, 10,000 years ago, and the ones that were still present 500 years ago, there's not really a substantial difference in the range. Now, there would have been, there's no question, there's evidence here and there, that there were reductions in numbers of particular species. But as we talked last time, I mean, when I was doing the research on this particular chapter, which is out of Wild New World, I can only find evidence of one entire and complete extinction during that 10,000-year
43:19 Speaker 02 period, which of course is very different from the Pleistocene that preceded it, and it's very different from the 500 years since then. So I was tasked with trying to figure out, so why? How did this happen? How is it possible to do this? And I came up with two or three explanations, really, that I relied on, and I think have some explanatory power. And one of them has to do with the fact that North America is colonized by people at a far later date than much of the rest of the world. And in a lot of the rest of the world, like in Eurasia, for example, the human population reaches a point where
44:03 Speaker 02 it becomes pretty difficult to live as hunters and gatherers because the numbers of huntable creatures are gradually being reduced. And so at the end of the Pleistocene, that sort of stimulates what we call the Neolithic Revolution in the Old World, the agricultural revolution, where you start relying a lot on growing crops, people start living in towns rather than hunting across the landscape, and they start domesticating a lot of the animals that they had hunted. So hogs and sheep and goats and cattle and horses and all get domesticated.
44:38 Speaker 02 But because North America was settled a lot later, although agriculture does get a start in North America about four or five thousand years ago, it never reaches the kind of epic level that it does in the Old World, so that a lot of America is still inhabited by, populated by hunter-gatherer groups. I mean, there's agriculture certainly in the South and as far north as southern New England. There's, of course, a big agricultural region in the Southwest, based on irrigated crops and Mexican cultivars. But a lot of, say, the Great Plains, the Rocky Mountains, the Pacific Northwest, California,
45:19 Speaker 02 which has a very dense population of native people, they never become agricultural. And so what that ultimately translates to is that the population of North America, as far as we can tell, never grows beyond about five million people. And that relatively low population, obviously, doesn't put as much stress on wildlife populations as a larger population would. Then I also came to the conclusion that by not having domesticated animals and native people, I mean, they had, obviously, dogs, and a lot of groups domesticated wild turkeys,
46:02 Speaker 02 especially in the Southwest, because they were kind of starving for protein, and turkeys as domesticated birds provided a possibility for that. But it's kind of a strategy of living that allows a lot of ecological functions to continue. So there's no need to make war on predators, for example. You don't have to go after wolves and coyotes and lions and bears, because you don't have domesticated, herd animals to protect the way Old Worlders did. So that provides a kind of an ecological continuity, I think, that Europeans find.
46:46 Speaker 02 Then the last thing that I dealt with was this distinction, and it really becomes a distinction after Europeans arrived.
46:55 Speaker 02 And how native people and native religions viewed their relationship with other animals. They continued to think of themselves, and I think this is a very old human idea. I think it goes back beyond Neanderthals, maybe far back in our history, where we considered ourselves to be kin, to coming, to come from the same sources, same origins as other creatures. And so that kinship idea, sort of with the idea that other creatures were, they had families, they were, they were just like us. In fact, you could even, some people could even go back and forth from being bears to people. And that sort of belief system about animals
47:38 Speaker 02 as being kin is strikingly different from the one that Europeans bring to bear because they arrived with the idea that humans are completely exceptional. We are above everything else and all the other creatures on earth were placed here by a deity for us to use. And so we stand in one spot and everything else stands in a lower position. And that distinction, I think, probably has some role to play in, in trying to explain this. But as I said, you have to operate from the premise that here's the evidence. When Europeans arrived, the place looks pretty damn healthy. It looks like it's got the pretty full complement
48:20 Speaker 02 for the previous 10,000 years of all the animals and, and birds and fishes that were there 10,000 years before.
48:30 Speaker 01 You, you just strayed into a question I had. You kind of inadvertently walked into a question I had, um, which was, I know that in North America, there were dozens, probably hundreds of religions of some sort, right?
48:46 Speaker 02 Yeah.
48:46 Speaker 01 Belief systems.
48:47 Speaker 02 Yeah.
48:50 Speaker 01 Around a theme of animism, right? If you go to Western Europe.
48:59 Speaker 01 You kind of said that you think of this, but if you could expand on it. If you go to Western Europe back to some point, I don't know when. Was it that religions mirrored that there as well? Or was it a totally different belief system that made this sort of primed them for like the Abrahamic religions, meaning like Islam, Judaism, Christianity?
49:23 Speaker 02 Right.
49:23 Speaker 01 I mean, did they go from animism and thinking that they were related to bears? And that mountains had a spirit and a personality into like monotheism? Or do you think that the path was more gradual? And they just developed a sort of different worldview that made Christianity eventually appealing?
49:46 Speaker 02 Yeah, well, I think, I think it's more gradual and it is a, there is a progression from that. And there's no doubt that not long ago in Western Europe, 1,500 years maybe, certainly by, for, for areas like, say, Scotland, Ireland, outback regions of Germany and France. People are still, you know, the Druids are still considered to be, they're not only non-Christian, but they're considered to be nature worshippers.
50:19 Speaker 01 Oh, okay.
50:20 Speaker 02 And so, I mean, and that's.
50:23 Speaker 01 1,500 years ago.
50:24 Speaker 02 Yeah, that's still evident, you know, at a time when Christianity is attempting to convert all these outback pockets of Europe. But even by that point, 1,500 years ago, so the Vikings, for example, some of those Viking groups share this idea that they are related still to, to deities that are found in mountains and to various animals. But there's been a progression already, and you can see it from this, this kind of animistic religious tradition in the Greeks, because the Greeks began about 2,500 years ago.
51:05 Speaker 02 Sort of steadily moving from the idea of polytheistic animal or animal deities and deities that are found in landscapes to human gods, but they don't have a single one. They will have, they will have Demeter, for example, who becomes the goddess of the crops. And they'll have Poseidon, and they'll have Artemis, who is the goddess of the wild creatures. And so, but Artemis and Poseidon and Demeter are all in human form. So there's been a progression from the idea that you have a creature like, say,
51:48 Speaker 02 Coyote, who is a Paleolithic deity in North America, who can stand on his, on his hind legs and may have opposable thumbs, but he also has coyote snout, erect ears, he has coyote tail. So Coyote is sort of in the process of doing the same thing in North America, sort of becoming human. So the Greeks do that so that their deities ultimately become human-like deities. And then ultimately, of course, in Judeo-Christianity, the idea is there is a single
52:20 Speaker 03 They narrow it way down.
52:21 Speaker 02 They narrow it down to a single deity who lives in the sky, rather than in a mountain or in a population of animals.
52:28 Speaker 03 Yeah.
52:33 Speaker 03 I think when I was looking at this episode, it's, it's an episode about a, a long period of time from the Pleistocene extinctions up until first contact, essentially. And it treats it almost as a whole. And I think that has a lot of explanatory power. But also, there's moments in it where you can drill down and say, like, Cahokia. You know, there are these stories of these rise and fall of civilization, which on its own is sort of this epic
53:10 Speaker 03 Historical tale, right? Even if we don't have all the details.
53:15 Speaker 02 Yeah.
53:16 Speaker 03 But I kind of wonder how you think about that, the, the big picture compared to the small picture and sort of what you gain by looking at the big picture and what you lose without zeroing in on these, like sort of epic human stories.
53:32 Speaker 02 Yeah, well, I mean, that's obviously a great question. And what I will say is that the, the episode here that we're talking about is a highly distilled version of a chapter in one of my books, which is about four or five times longer than, than what we presented here in the podcast. And even that comes from a, a book that was in its entirety, 400 pages long. And I realized that I could have easily written a 2,000 page book while I was working on this.
54:12 Speaker 02 And so it, it becomes, you know, sort of a matter of, all right, in terms of the book and the chapter particularly, and to a certain extent, the podcast as well.
54:24 Speaker 02 How many people are interested in reading a 2,000 page book, you know? So I've got to make the book 400 pages and how many people are interested in listening to a three and a half hour podcast? I've got to make the podcast, it's got to be only 35 or 40 minutes or something, or an hour or whatever we're doing. So, yeah.
54:41 Speaker 03 It's very humane that you keep your audience in mind.
54:44 Speaker 02 Well, I mean, yeah. I mean, I started out as a writer for magazines and I had editors who drilled that into me when I was in my early twenties, that you had to think about the audience. And so I've always kind of, as a result of that, I think I've never kind of gotten over the notion of, I got to think about, you know, the readers. And I can't lay a, you know, an enormous kind of thing on top, especially today where people, you know, are not committed to the idea necessarily of, of reading.
55:13 Speaker 03 Oh, yeah. No, I didn't. And I didn't mean that to be a question of like, why didn't you do this or why, why'd you leave this out? But it's more like that story. Is comprehensible, read at a certain level.
55:26 Speaker 02 Yeah.
55:27 Speaker 03 Right? And then, and you gain a lot from the big, broad, sweeping history, but
55:35 Speaker 03 yeah, there's also all of this drama that sort of lies beneath the surface of that.
55:40 Speaker 02 Yeah, there, I mean, that's, you're exactly right. And there are, so the truth is, you know, with a, a story like that, I mean, that's an attempt to cover 10,000 years.
55:48 Speaker 03 Yeah.
55:49 Speaker 02 And sort of, uh, one quick sweep. And I mean, it does give, I think,
55:58 Speaker 02 some narrative power.
56:00 Speaker 03 Yeah.
56:01 Speaker 02 To it, doing it that way. But, uh, I would hope that for a lot of people who are fascinated, for example, by whatever one says about Cahokia or Chaco, that they would dig deeper because yeah, the stories are phenomenal and they are far richer than one can tell in an attempt to kind of do a broad coverage.
56:28 Speaker 01 I got one last one for you.
56:32 Speaker 01 With your book, Wild New World, where you do, you, you, you tell the story of wildlife in America, and you start, you know, with the Chicks Lube impact or like the destruction of the dinosaurs, which happened just off the coast of our, you know, kind of the coast of our current day country. And then you track all the way through to the present and then you kind of dabble in the future for a minute. Like, I'm not going to go read one of those for every continent right now, but I'm dying to read that for South America. Like, do, there's, there's the language barrier, but, but does that kind of work
57:13 Speaker 01 exist? Like, does what you do, are you aware of your, like a South American counterpart? An Asian counterpart, an African counterpart who are, who are saying like,
57:26 Speaker 01 who, who are doing that type of work in those places?
57:28 Speaker 03 Or is there something particular about the North American story that makes it?
57:33 Speaker 01 Possible.
57:34 Speaker 03 Possible in North America.
57:35 Speaker 02 Possible to do it.
57:36 Speaker 01 Yeah, like, does that book exist about South America?
57:40 Speaker 02 I am not aware of a book like that existing for South America. I mean, I think probably Australia may come the closest Yeah. to having work like that.
57:55 Speaker 02 But I do think North America lends itself, and probably South America would too. But the Americas lend themselves to a particularly powerful kind of story in this form because they're the last parts, except for some of the islands out in the oceans. They're the last parts of the earth that humans find Yeah. and come to. And so by the time we find the Americas, I mean, we're, we're pretty much who we are now. But we had also been living forty-five thousand generations as hunters. And so we're really, really good at that.
58:40 Speaker 02 And the other thing, of course, that I think makes it a powerful story is that it's fairly evident, at least I think it's evident, I argue that in Wild New World, that one of the things that propels our migration around the world is that we're doing something that, you know, all of us today still do. We all love getting out to a spot where, man, okay, there's not a single other car at the trailhead. I, I'm looking over this valley, I do not see a single other campfire. We're the only ones, my buddies and I are the only ones that are gonna be backpacking into this mountain valley this weekend. And what I think people were doing as they moved out of Africa into the Middle East, into Europe, into Asia, is they were propelled constantly by looking for places
59:25 Speaker 02 that other humans hadn't been because that implied to them that the resources were going to be just rich and available. The animals were going to be innocent of humans as hunters. I mean, and it propelled us around the world. And it's probably one of the reasons, you know, without us really being conscious of it, we still tend to be fascinated with exploration and with going to the moon, going to Mars, going to, you know, Titan, Saturn's moons, or Europa, one of Jupiter's moons. I mean, we're still fascinated by this idea of going into new places. And as
1:00:10 Speaker 02 I said, you know, I certainly experience this all the time. And I know, I'm pretty sure probably you guys do as well. This is something we always feel good about is, man, I'm the, I'm looking out over this country and I don't see evidence of anybody else in it.
1:00:25 Speaker 01 Yeah. Well, Dan, thanks, man. I look forward to jumping into the next episode.
1:00:28 Speaker 02 Thanks, Stephen. Randall, appreciate it.
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